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(the larger number)

  • 1 most

    most [məʊst]
    le plus de1 (a) la plupart de1 (b) le plus2 (a), 3 (a), 3 (b) la plus grande partie2 (b) la plupart2 (b) bien3 (c) au plus4
    1 adjective (superl of many, much)
    (the) most le plus de;
    the candidate who gets (the) most votes le candidat qui obtient le plus de voix ou le plus grand nombre de voix;
    which of your inventions gave you (the) most satisfaction? laquelle de vos inventions vous a procuré la plus grande satisfaction?;
    for the most part (in largest number of cases) pour la plupart; (most often) le plus souvent ou la plupart du temps
    (b) (the majority of) la plupart de, la majorité de;
    most Europeans la plupart ou la majorité des Européens;
    I like most kinds of fruit j'aime presque tous les fruits;
    I go out most evenings je sors presque tous les soirs;
    I don't like most modern art en général, je n'aime pas l'art moderne;
    most French wine is excellent presque tous les vins français sont excellents
    2 pronoun (superl of many, much)
    (the) most le plus;
    he is more reliable than most on peut compter sur lui plus que sur bien des gens;
    we all earn a lot but Diana earns (the) most nous gagnons tous beaucoup d'argent mais c'est Diana qui en gagne le plus;
    which of the three applicants has (the) most to offer? lequel des trois candidats a le plus à offrir?;
    that is the most one can say in his defence c'est tout ce qu'on peut dire en sa faveur;
    American familiar old-fashioned her latest album is the most! son dernier album est vraiment génial!;
    to make the most of sth (advantage, chance, good weather) profiter de qch; (bad situation, ill-luck) tirer le meilleur parti de qch; (resources, skills) employer ou utiliser qch au mieux;
    let's try and make the most of our last day essayons de profiter au maximum de notre dernière journée;
    she made the most of her time in Mexico elle a profité au maximum du temps qu'elle a passé au Mexique;
    the opposition made the most of the scandal l'opposition a tiré tout ce qu'elle pouvait du scandale;
    he knows how to make the most of himself il sait se mettre en valeur
    (b) (the larger part) la plus grande ou la majeure partie; (the larger number) la plupart ou majorité;
    most of my salary la majeure partie de mon salaire;
    most of the snow has melted presque toute la neige a fondu;
    most of the time la plupart du temps;
    most of my friends are on holiday presque tous ou la plupart de mes amis sont en vacances;
    most of us/them la plupart d'entre nous/eux
    the most populated region in the world la région la plus peuplée du monde;
    it's the most beautiful house I've ever seen c'est la plus belle maison que j'aie jamais vue;
    she was the one who explained things most clearly c'est elle qui expliquait les choses le plus clairement
    (the) most le plus;
    the people who complain (the) most les gens qui se plaignent le plus;
    what worries you (the) most?, what most worries you? qu'est-ce qui vous inquiète le plus?;
    it's the one I like most of all de tous, c'est celui que je préfère
    (c) (as intensifier) bien, fort;
    a most interesting theory une théorie fort intéressante;
    we had the most awful weather nous avons eu un temps détestable;
    it's most kind of you to say so c'est extrêmement ou bien gentil à vous de dire ça;
    she sang most delightfully elle a chanté de façon exquise;
    most certainly you may! mais bien entendu!
    (d) American familiar (almost) presque ;
    most everybody had heard of it presque ou pratiquement tout le monde était au courant
    au plus, au maximum;
    there's at most a 30 percent chance of success les chances de succès sont de 30 pour cent tout au plus;
    at the very most tout au plus, au grand maximum
    ►► American Sport most valuable player = titre décerné au meilleur joueur d'une équipe;
    American most wanted list = liste des criminels les plus recherchés;
    he's on the most wanted list il fait partie des criminels les plus recherchés

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > most

  • 2 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 3 committee

    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) komité; udvalg
    * * *
    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) komité; udvalg

    English-Danish dictionary > committee

  • 4 Ethnic minorities

       Traditionally and for a half millennium, Portugal has been a country of emigration, but in recent decades it has become a country of net immigration. During Portugal's long period of overseas empire, beginning in the 15th century, there was always more emigration overseas than immigration to Portugal. There were, nevertheless, populations of natives of Africa, Asia, and the Americas who came to Portugal during the 1450-1975 era. Historians continue to debate the actual numbers of migrants of African descent to Portugal during this period, but records suggest that the resident African population in Portugal during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries was a minority of some consequence but not as large as previously imagined.
       After the wars of independence in Africa began in 1961, and after India conquered and annexed former Portuguese Goa, Damão, and Diu in December of that year, Portugal began to receive more migrants from Asia and Africa than before. First came political refugees carrying Portuguese passports from former Portuguese India; these left India for Portugal in the early 1960s. But the larger numbers came from Portugal's former colonial territories in Africa, especially from Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau; these sought refuge from civil wars and conflicts following the end of the colonial wars and independence from Portugal. While a considerable number of the refugee wave of 1975-76 from these territories were of African as well as Afro-European descent, larger numbers of African migrants began to arrive in the 1980s. A major impetus for their migration to Portugal was to escape civil wars in Angola and Mozambique.
       Another wave of migrants of European descent came beginning in the 1990s, primarily from Ukraine, Russia, Rumania, and Moldova. Following the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, and the implosion of the Soviet Union, migrants from these countries arrived in Portugal in some number. At about the same time, there arrived migrants from Brazil and another former colony of Portugal, the isolated, poverty-stricken Cape Verde Islands. The largest number of foreign immigrants in Portugal continue to be the Brazilians and the Cape Verdeans, whose principal language is also Portuguese.
       Different ethnic migrant groups tended to work in certain occupations; for example, Brazilians were largely professional people, including dentists and technicians. Cape Verdeans, by and large, as well as numbers of other African migrants from former Portuguese African territories, worked in the construction industry or in restaurants and hotels. As of 2004, the non- European Union (EU) migrant population was over 374,000, while the EU migrant numbers were about 74,000.
       Of the foreign migrants from EU countries, the largest community was the British, with as many as 20,000 residents, with smaller numbers from France, Germany, Italy, and Spain. About 9,000 Americans reside in Portugal. Unlike many migrants from the non-EU countries noted above, who sought safety and a way to make a decent living, migrants from Europe and the United States include many who seek a comfortable retirement in Portugal, with its warm, sunny climate, fine cuisine, and security.
        1999 2004
       Brazil 20,851 Brazil 66,907
       Cape Verde Isl. Cape Verde Isl. 64,164
       Angola 17,721 Angola 35,264
       Guinea Bissau 25,148
       São Tomé 10,483
       Mozambique 5,472
       Ukraine 66,227
       Romania 12,155
       Moldova 13,689

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Ethnic minorities

  • 5 Warping

    General term for processes after winding concerned in preparing weaver's and knitter's warps. Methods of warping vary according to (1) the yarns employed (2) whether they are sized or not, and (3) at what state sizing takes place. There are at least seven methods of warp preparation, e.g., beam warping, direct warping, mill warping on vertical mills, section warping on horizontal mills and in cheeses on section blocks, Scotch dresser sizing, Scotch warp dressing, and Yorkshire warp dressing. Beam Warping is the system in general use for making grey cotton goods. The beam warper comprises a creel for the supply ends, which may be on double-flanged bobbins, cones or cheeses, and a beaming head which comprises mechanism for mounting and rotating a warper's beam and means for winding the yarn from the creel supply on to the beam under suitable tension. The number of ends and length of warp on a back or warper's beam is related to what is required in the weaver's beam. Assuming the weaver's beams were required to have 2928 ends, 24's warp, and 8 cuts of 96 yards each, the back beams for a set might have 2928: 6 = 488 ends, and 2 X 6 X 8 X 96 = 9216 yards. On the slasher sizing machine six back beams would be run together, thereby producing 12 weaver's beams each containing 2928 ends 768 yards long. Warp Beaming Speeds - With the old type of warp beaming machine taking supply from unrolling double-flanged bobbins, the warping speed would be about 70 yards per minute. In modern beam warpers taking supply overend from cones, the warping speed is up to 250 yards per minute. With beam barrels of 41/2-in. dia., and up to 500 yards per minute with barrels of 10-in. dia. Warp and Weft Knitted Fabrics - Warp knitted fabrics in which extra yarn is introduced in the form of weft threads which are laid in between the warp threads and their needles for the purpose of adding extra weight and for patterning purposes. Warp Loom Tapes - Narrow knitted fabrics usually less than one inch wide used for trimming garments. They are knitted on circular latch needle machines, but the tapes are flat. Direct Warping - A method used in making warps for towels, fustians, and other fabrics in which the total number of ends can be accommodated in one creel, say not more than 1,000 ends. The threads are run from the creel direct to the weaver's beam on a machine similar to that used in section beam warping. Mill Warping - There are two distinctly different methods of mill warping. On the vertical mill, which may be anything up to 20 yards in circumference, the number of ends in the complete warp is obtained by repeating the runs the required number of times, e.g., with 200 bobbins in the creel, 4 runs would give a warp of 800 ends. The length of the warp is determined by the number of revolutions made by the mill for each run. The horizontal mill is much used in Yorkshire for making woollen and worsted warps It is used to a small extent for cotton warps and is largely used for making silk and rayon warps. The mill or swift is usually about 5 yards in circumference. Its distinctive feature is the making of warps in sections which are wound on the mill in overlapping manner. The creel capacity varies from 250 to 600 ends, and with 500 ends in the creel a warp of 5,000 ends would require ten sections. Section Warping for Coloured Goods - This is a system of making coloured striped warps from hank-dyed and bleached yarns. The bobbins are creeled to pattern, one or more complete patterns to each section. Each section is the full length of the warp and is run on a small section block keywayed to fit a key on the shaft of the subsequent beaming machine where the sections are placed side by side and run on the weaver's beam. Scotch Dresser Sizing - There are two systems of warp preparation known as Scotch dressing. 1. Dresser sizing used for sizing warps for linen damasks, etc. Back beams are first made and placed in two beam creels, one on each side of the headstock. The threads from several back beams are collected in one sheet of yarn, sized by passage through a size-box, brushed by a revolving brush, dried by hot air, and passed vertically upwards where both sheets of warp threads are united and pass on to the weaver's beam in a single sheet. Scotch Warp Dressing - The other method of Scotch dressing is used in the preparation of coloured striped warps, usually from warp-dyed and bleached yarn. It consists in splitting off from ball warps previously dyed or bleached and sized, the number of ends of each colour required in the finished warp. Each group is then wound on separate flanged warpers' beams. These beams are placed in a creel and the ends drawn through a reed according to pattern, and wound finally on to the weavers' beams. Yorkshire Warp Dressing - This is a system used mostly in the preparation of coloured striped warps. It is also invaluable in preparing warps dyed and sized in warp form to prevent shadiness in the cloth. Four warps with the same number of ends in each are dyed the same colour, and in sleying, one end from each warp is put in each dent of the reed. Any tendency to shadiness arising from irregularity in dyeing is thereby effectively eliminated. In striped work the required ends are split off if necessary from a larger ball warp, sleyed to pattern in the reed, and then run under controlled tension on to the weaver's beam. The dresser uses a brush as long as the width of the warp to brush out entangled places where the threads have adhered together with size. Yorkshire dressing provides perfect warps with every thread in its proper place on the weaver's beam, no crossed or missing threads, and a minimum of knots.

    Dictionary of the English textile terms > Warping

  • 6 increase

    1. intransitive verb
    zunehmen; [Schmerzen:] stärker werden; [Lärm:] größer werden; [Verkäufe, Preise, Nachfrage:] steigen

    increase in weight/size/price — schwerer/größer/teurer werden

    increase in maturity/value/popularity — an Reife/Wert/Popularität (Dat.) gewinnen

    2. transitive verb
    1) (make greater) erhöhen; vermehren [Besitz]
    2) (intensify) verstärken

    increase one's efforts/commitment — sich mehr anstrengen/engagieren

    3. noun
    1) (becoming greater) Zunahme, die (in Gen.); (in measurable amount) Anstieg, der (in Gen.); (deliberately caused) Steigerung, die (in Gen.)

    increase in weight/size — Gewichtszunahme, die/Vergrößerung, die

    increase in popularity — Popularitätsgewinn, der

    be on the increase — [ständig] zunehmen

    2) (by reproduction) Zunahme, die; Zuwachs, der
    3) (amount) Erhöhung, die; (of growth) Zuwachs, der
    * * *
    1. [in'kri:s] verb
    (to (cause to) grow in size, number etc: The number of children in this school has increased greatly in recent years.) zunehmen
    2. ['inkri:s] noun
    ((the amount, number etc added by) growth: There has been some increase in business; The increase in the population over the last ten years was 40,000.) die Zunahme
    - academic.ru/37503/increasingly">increasingly
    - on the increase
    * * *
    in·crease
    I. vi
    [ɪnˈkri:s]
    prices, taxes, interest rates [an]steigen; pain, troubles, worries stärker werden, zunehmen; in size wachsen
    to \increase dramatically [or drastically] dramatisch [o drastisch] [an]steigen; population, wealth anwachsen
    to \increase tenfold/threefold sich akk verzehnfachen/verdreifachen
    II. vt
    [ɪnˈkri:s]
    to \increase sth (make more) etw erhöhen; (make stronger) etw verstärken; (make larger) etw vergrößern
    gently \increase the heat die Hitze langsam erhöhen; reserves, finances aufstocken
    III. n
    [ˈɪnkri:s]
    Anstieg m, Zunahme f, Zuwachs m; (growth) Wachstum nt
    the \increase in the number of unemployed der Anstieg der Arbeitslosenzahlen
    an \increase in production eine Steigerung der Produktion
    \increase in capacity Kapazitätserweiterung f
    \increase in efficiency Effizienzsteigerung f
    \increase in pollution zunehmende Umweltverschmutzung
    \increase in value Wertsteigerung f
    \increase in violence zunehmende Gewalt
    price \increase Preisanstieg m, Teuerung f SCHWEIZ
    tax \increase Steuererhöhung f
    to be on the \increase ansteigen; in numbers [mehr und] [o [immer]] mehr werden; in size [immer] größer werden; in reserves, finances Aufstockung f
    * * *
    [ɪn'kriːs]
    1. vi
    zunehmen; (taxes) erhöht werden; (pain also) stärker werden; (amount, number, noise, population also) anwachsen; (possessions, trade, riches also) sich vermehren, (an)wachsen; (pride also, strength) wachsen; (price, sales, demand) steigen; (supply, joy, rage) sich vergrößern, größer werden; (business, institution, town) sich vergrößern, wachsen; (rain, wind) stärker werden

    to increase in volume/weight — umfangreicher/schwerer werden, an Umfang/Gewicht zunehmen

    to increase in breadth/size/number — sich verbreitern/vergrößern/vermehren, breiter/größer/mehr werden

    industrial output increased by 2% last year — die Industrieproduktion wuchs im letzten Jahr um 2%

    2. vt
    vergrößern; rage, sorrow, joy, possessions, riches also vermehren; darkness, noise, love, resentment also, effort verstärken; trade, sales erweitern; numbers, taxes, price, speed, demand, tension erhöhen; chances verbessern

    he increased his efforts —

    then to increase our difficulties — was die Dinge noch schwieriger machte, was unsere Schwierigkeiten noch vergrößerte

    increased demanderhöhte or verstärkte Nachfrage

    his hours were increased to 25 per weekseine Stundenzahl wurde auf 25 Wochenstunden erhöht

    we increased output to... — wir erhöhten den Ausstoß auf...

    they increased her salary by £2,000 to £20,000 a year — sie erhöhten ihr Jahresgehalt um £ 2.000 auf £ 20.000

    3. n
    ['ɪnkriːs] Zunahme f, Erhöhung f, Steigerung f; (in size) Vergrößerung f, Erweiterung f; (in number) Vermehrung f, Zuwachs m, Zunahme f; (in speed, spending) Erhöhung f ( in +gen), Steigerung f ( in +gen); (of business) Erweiterung f, Vergrößerung f; (in sales) Zuwachs m; (in expenses) Vermehrung f ( in +gen), Steigerung f ( in +gen); (of effort etc) Vermehrung f, Steigerung f, Verstärkung f; (of demand) Verstärkung f, Steigen nt; (of work) Mehr nt (of an +dat), Zunahme f; (of violence) Zunahme f, Anwachsen nt; (of salary) Gehaltserhöhung f or -aufbesserung f; (of noise) Zunahme f, Verstärkung f

    an increase in the population of 10% per year — eine jährliche Bevölkerungszunahme or ein jährlicher Bevölkerungszuwachs von 10%

    to get an increase of £5 per week — £ 5 pro Woche mehr bekommen, eine Lohnerhöhung von £ 5 pro Woche bekommen

    increase in valueWertzuwachs m, Wertsteigerung f

    * * *
    increase [ınˈkriːs]
    A v/i
    1. zunehmen, größer werden, (an)wachsen, (an)steigen, sich vergrößern oder vermehren oder erhöhen oder steigern oder verstärken:
    prices have increased die Preise sind gestiegen oder haben angezogen;
    his popularity has increased (by) 2 percent (Br per cent) seine Beliebtheit ist um 2 Prozent gestiegen;
    increase in size (value) an Größe (Wert) zunehmen, größer (wertvoller) werden;
    increase in price im Preis steigen, teurer werden;
    a) Mehrbedarf m,
    b) WIRTSCH verstärkte Nachfrage;
    increased production WIRTSCH Produktionssteigerung f
    2. sich (durch Fortpflanzung) vermehren
    B v/t vergrößern, -stärken, -mehren, erhöhen, steigern, SPORT seine Führung etc ausbauen, WIRTSCH das Kapital aufstocken:
    increase tenfold verzehnfachen;
    increase sb’s salary jemandes Gehalt erhöhen oder aufbessern;
    increase a sentence eine Strafe erhöhen oder verschärfen;
    increase the speed die Geschwindigkeit steigern oder erhöhen oder heraufsetzen;
    increase one’s lead seinen Vorsprung ausdehnen oder ausbauen (to auf akk)
    C s [ˈınkriːs]
    1. Vergrößerung f, -mehrung f, -stärkung f, Zunahme f, (An)Wachsen n, Zuwachs m, Wachstum n, Steigen n, Steigerung f, Erhöhung f:
    increase in the bank rate WIRTSCH Heraufsetzung f oder Erhöhung des Diskontsatzes;
    increase in population Bevölkerungszunahme, -zuwachs;
    increase in purchasing power Kaufkraftzuwachs;
    increase in sales WIRTSCH Absatzsteigerung;
    increase in trade WIRTSCH Aufschwung m des Handels;
    increase in value Wertsteigerung, -zuwachs;
    increase of capital WIRTSCH Kapitalerhöhung;
    increase of a function MATH Zunahme einer Funktion;
    increase of ( oder in) salary Gehaltserhöhung, -aufbesserung f, -zulage f;
    increase twist TECH Progressivdrall m
    2. Vermehrung f (durch Fortpflanzung)
    3. Zuwachs m (eines Betrages), Mehrbetrag m
    incr. abk
    * * *
    1. intransitive verb
    zunehmen; [Schmerzen:] stärker werden; [Lärm:] größer werden; [Verkäufe, Preise, Nachfrage:] steigen

    increase in weight/size/price — schwerer/größer/teurer werden

    increase in maturity/value/popularity — an Reife/Wert/Popularität (Dat.) gewinnen

    2. transitive verb
    1) (make greater) erhöhen; vermehren [Besitz]
    2) (intensify) verstärken

    increase one's efforts/commitment — sich mehr anstrengen/engagieren

    3. noun
    1) (becoming greater) Zunahme, die (in Gen.); (in measurable amount) Anstieg, der (in Gen.); (deliberately caused) Steigerung, die (in Gen.)

    increase in weight/size — Gewichtszunahme, die/Vergrößerung, die

    increase in popularity — Popularitätsgewinn, der

    be on the increase — [ständig] zunehmen

    2) (by reproduction) Zunahme, die; Zuwachs, der
    3) (amount) Erhöhung, die; (of growth) Zuwachs, der
    * * *
    n.
    Anstieg -e m.
    Erhöhung -en f.
    Vermehrung f.
    Wachstum -¨er n.
    Zunahme -n f.
    Zuwachs m. (in) v.
    steigern v.
    vergrößern v.
    vermehren v.
    zunehmen (an) v. v.
    anwachsen v.
    erhöhen v.
    vergrößern v.
    vermehren v.
    wachsen v.
    (§ p.,pp.: wuchs, ist gewachsen)
    zunehmen v.

    English-german dictionary > increase

  • 7 INTRODUCTION

       For a small country perched on the edge of western Europe but with an early history that began more than 2,000 years ago, there is a vast bibliography extant in many languages. Since general reference works with bibliography on Portugal are few, both principal and minor works are included. In the first edition, works in English, and a variety of Portuguese language works that are counted as significant if not always classic, were included. In the second and third editions, more works in Portuguese are added.
       It is appropriate that most of the works cited in some sections of the bibliograpy are in English, but this pattern should be put in historical perspective. Since the late 1950s, the larger proportion of foreign-language works on Portugal and the Portuguese have been in English. But this was not the case before World War II. As a whole, there were more studies in French, with a smaller number in German, Italian, and Spanish, than in English. Most of the materials published today on all aspects of this topic continue to be in Portuguese, but English-language works have come to outnumber the other non-Portuguese language studies. In addition to books useful to a variety of students, a selection of classic works of use to the visitor, tourist, and foreign resident of Portugal, as well as to those interested in Portuguese communities overseas, have been included.
       Readers will note that publishers' names are omitted from some Portuguese citations as well as from a number of French works. There are several reasons for this. First, in many of the older sources, publishers no longer exist and are difficult to trace. Second, the names of the publishers have been changed in some cases and are also difficult to trace. Third, in many older books and periodicals, printers' names but not publishers were cited, and identifying the publishers is virtually impossible.
       Some recommended classic titles for beginners are in historical studies: José Hermano Saraiva, Portugal: A Companion History (1997); A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal (1976 ed.), general country studies in two different historical eras: Sarah Bradford, Portugal (1973) and Marion Kaplan, The Portuguese: The Land and Its People (2002 and later editions); political histories, Antônio de Figueiredo, Portugal: Fifty Years of Dictatorship (1975) and Douglas L. Wheeler, Republican Portugal: A Political History ( 1910-1926) (1978; 1998). On Portugal's Revolution of 25 April 1974 and contemporary history and politics: Kenneth Maxwell, The Making of Portuguese Democracy (1995); Phil Mailer, The Impossible Revolution (1977); Richard A. H. Robinson, Contemporary Portugal: A History (1979); Lawrence S. Graham and Douglas L. Wheeler (eds.), In Search of Modern Portugal: The Revolution and Its Consequences (1983); Lawrence S. Graham and Harry M. Makler (eds.), Contemporary Portugal: The Revolution and its Antecedents (1979). On contemporary Portuguese society, see Antonio Costa Pinto (ed.), Contemporary Portugal: Politics, Society, Culture (2003).
       Enduring works on the history of Portugal's overseas empire include: C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825 (1969 and later editions); and Bailey W. Diffie and George Winius, The Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580 (1977); on Portugal and the Age of Discoveries: Charles Ley (ed.), Portuguese Voyages 1498-1663 (2003). For a new portrait of the country's most celebrated figure of the Age of Discoveries, see Peter Russell, Prince Henry 'The Navigator': A Life (2000). A still useful geographical study about a popular tourist region is Dan Stanislawski's Portugal's Other Kingdom: The Algarve (1963). A fine introduction to a region of rural southern Portugal is José Cutileiro's A Portuguese Rural Society (1971).
       Early travel account classics are Almeida Garrett, Travels in My Homeland (1987) and William Beckford, Recollections of an Excursion to the Monasteries of Alcobaca and Batalha (1969 and later editions). On travel and living in Portugal, see Susan Lowndes Marques and Ann Bridge, The Selective Traveller in Portugal (1968 and later editions); David Wright and Patrick Swift, Lisbon: A Portrait and Guide (1968 and later editions); Sam Ballard and Jane Ballard, Pousadas of Portugal (1986); Richard Hewitt, A Cottage in Portugal (1996);
       Ian Robertson, Portugal: The Blue Guide (1988 and later editions); and Anne de Stoop, Living in Portugal (1995). Fine reads on some colorful, foreign travellers in Portugal are found in Rose Macauley, They Went to Portugal (1946 and later editions) and They Went to Portugal Too (1990). An attractive blend of historical musing and current Portugal is found in Paul Hyland's, Backing Out of the Big World: Voyage to Portugal (1996); Datus Proper's The Last Old Place: A Search through Portugal (1992); and Portugal's 1998 Nobel Prize winner in Literature, José Sarmago, writes in Journey through Portugal (2001).
       For aspects of Portuguese literature in translation, see Aubrey F. G. Bell, The Oxford Book of Portuguese Verse (1952 edition by B. Vidigal); José Maria Eça de Queirós, The Maias (2007 and earlier editions); and José Sara-mago's Baltasar and Blimunda (1985 and later editions), as well as many other novels by this, Portugal's most celebrated living novelist. See also Landeg White's recent translation of the national 16th century epic of Luis de Camóes, The Lusiads (1997). A classic portrait of the arts in Portugal during the country's imperial age is Robert C. Smith's The Art of Portugal, 1500-1800 (1968).
       For those who plan to conduct research in Portugal, the premier collection of printed books, periodicals, and manuscripts is housed in the country's national library, the Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, in Lisbon. Other important collections are found in the libraries of the major universities in Coimbra, Lisbon, and Oporto, and in a number of foundations and societies. For the history of the former colonial empire, the best collection of printed materials remains in the library of Lisbon's historic Geography Society, the Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Lisbon; and for documents there is the state-run colonial archives, the Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, in Restelo, near Lisbon. Other government records are deposited in official archives, such as those for foreign relations in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, housed in Necessidades Palace, Lisbon.
       For researchers in North America, the best collections of printed materials on Portugal are housed in the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; New York Public Library, New York City; Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois; and in university libraries including those of Harvard, Yale, Johns Hopkins, Brown, Indiana, Illinois, University of California at Los Angeles, University of California - Berkeley, University of California - Santa Barbara, Stanford, Florida State, Duke, University of New Hampshire, Durham, University of Toronto, University of Ottawa, McGill, and University of British Columbia. Records dealing with Portuguese affairs are found in U.S. government archives, including, for instance, those in the National Archives and Record Service (NARS), housed in Washington, D.C.
       BIBLIOGRAPHIES
       ■ Academia Portuguesa de História. Guia Bibliográfica Histórica Portuguesa. Vol. I-?. Lisbon, 1954-.
       ■ Anselmo, Antônio Joaquim. Bibliografia das bibliografias portuguesas. Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional, 1923.
       ■ Bell, Aubrey F. G. Portuguese Bibliography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922.
       ■ Borchardt, Paul. La Bibliographie de l'Angola, 1500-1900. Brussels, 1912. Chilcote, Ronald H., ed. and comp. The Portuguese Revolution of 25 April 1974. Annotated bibliography on the antecedents and aftermath. Coimbra: Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, Universidade de Coimbra, 1987. Cintra, Maria Adelaide Valle. Bibliografia de textos medievais portugueses. Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Filolôgicos, 1960.
       ■ Costa, Mário. Bibliografia Geral de Moçambique. Lisbon, 1945. Coutinho, Bernardo Xavier da Costa. Bibliographie franco-portugaise: Essai d'une bibliographie chronologique de livres français sur le Portugal. Oporto: Lopes da Silva, 1939.
       ■ Diffie, Bailey W. "A Bibliography of the Principal Published Guides to Portuguese Archives and Libraries," Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Luso-Brazilian Studies. Nashville, Tenn., 1953. Gallagher, Tom. Dictatorial Portugal, 1926-1974: A Bibliography. Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1979.
       ■ Gibson, Mary Jane. Portuguese Africa: A Guide to Official Publications. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1967. Greenlee, William B. "A Descriptive Bibliography of the History of Portugal." Hispanic American Historical Review XX (August 1940): 491-516. Gulbenkian, Fundação Calouste. Boletim Internacional de Bibliografia Luso-Brasileira. Vol. 1-15. Lisbon, 1960-74.
       ■ Instituto Camoes. Faculdade de Letras da Universidade De Coimbra. Repertorio Bibliografico da Historiografia Portuguesa ( 1974-1994). Coimbra:
       ■ Instituto Camoes; Universidade de Coimbra, 1995. Junta De Investigações Científicas Do Ultramar. Bibliografia Da Junta De Investigações Científicas Do Ultramar Sobre Ciências Humanas E Sociais. Lisbon: Junta de Investigações Científicas Do Ultramar, 1975. Kettenring, Norman E., comp. A Bibliography of Theses and Dissertations on Portuguese Topics Completed in the United States and Canada, 1861-1983.
       ■ Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1984. Kunoff, Hugo. Portuguese Literature from Its Origins to 1990: A Bibliography Based on the Collections at Indiana University. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1994.
       ■ Laidlar, John. Lisbon. World Bibliographical Series, Vol. 199. Oxford: ABC-Clio, 1997.. Portugal. World Bibliographical Series, Vol. 71, rev. ed. Oxford: ABC-Clio, 2000.
       ■ Lomax, William. Revolution in Portugal: 1974-1976. A Bibliography. Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1978.
       ■ McCarthy, Joseph M. Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde Islands: A Comprehensive Bibliography. New York: Garland, 1977.
       ■ Moniz, Miguel. Azores. World Bibliographical Series, Vol. 221. Oxford: ABC-Clio, 1999.
       ■ Nunes, José Lúcio, and José Júlio Gonçalves. Bibliografia Histórico-Militar do Ultramar Portugües. Lisbon, 1956. Pélissier, René. Bibliographies sur l'Afrique Luso-Hispanophone 1800-1890.
       ■ Orgeval, France: 1980. Portuguese Studies. London. 1984-. Annual.
       ■ Portuguese Studies Newsletter. No. 1-23 (1976-90). Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal. Semiannual.
       ■ Portuguese Studies Review. Vols. 1-9 (1991-2001). Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal. Semi-Annual.. Vols. 10- (2002-). Durham, N.H.: Trent University; Peterborough, Ontario, Canada.
       ■ Rocha, Natércia. Bibliografia geral da Literatura Portuguesa para Crianças. Lisbon: Edit. Comunicação, 1987.
       ■ Rogers, Francis Millet, and David T. Haberly. Brazil, Portugal and Other Portuguese-Speaking Lands: A List of Books Primarily in English. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968.
       ■ Silva, J. Donald. A Bibliography on the Madeira Islands. Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1987.
       ■ Teixeira, Carlos, and G. Lavigne. Os portugueses no Canadá: Uma bibliografia ( 1953-1996). Lisbon: Direção-Geral dos Assuntos Consulares e Comunidades Portuguesas, 1998.
       ■ University of Coimbra, Faculty of Letters. Bibliografia Anual de História de Portugal. Vol. 1. [sources published beginning in 1989- ] Coimbra: Grupo de História; Faculdade de Letras; Universidade de Coimbra, 1992-.
       ■ Unwin, P. T. H., comp. Portugal. World Bibliographical Series, Vol. 71. Oxford, U.K.: ABC-Clio Press, 1987.
       ■ Viera, David J., et al., comp. The Portuguese in the United States ( Supplement to the 1976 Leo Pap Bibliography). Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1990.
       ■ Welsh, Doris Varner, comp. A Catalogue of the William B. Greenlee Collection of Portuguese History and Literature and the Portuguese Materials in the Newberry Library. Chicago: Newberry Library, 1953.
       ■ Wiarda, Iêda Siqueira, ed. The Handbook of Portuguese Studies. Washington, D.C.: Xlibris, 2000.
       ■ Wilgus, A. Curtis. Latin America, Spain & Portugal: A Selected & Annotated Bibliographical Guide to Books Published 1954-1974. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1977.
       ■ Winius, George. "Bibliographical Essay: A Treasury of Printed Source Materials Pertaining to the XV and XVI Centuries." In George Winius, ed., Portugal, the Pathfinder: Journeys from the Medieval toward the Modern World, 1300-ca. 1600, 373-401. Madison, Wis.: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1995.
       ■ PERIODICALS RELATING TO PORTUGAL
       ■ Africana. Oporto. Semiannual.
       ■ Africa Report. New York. Monthly or bimonthly.
       ■ Africa Today. Denver, Colo. Quarterly.
       ■ Agenda Cultural. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Almanaque do Exército. Lisbon, 1912-40.
       ■ American Historical Review. Washington, D.C. Quarterly.
       ■ Anais das Bibliotecas e Arquivos. Lisbon. Annual.
       ■ Análise do sector público administrativo e empresarial. Lisbon. Quarterly. Análise Social. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Anglo-Portuguese News. Monte Estoril and Lisbon. 1937-2003. Biweekly and weekly.
       ■ Antropológicas. Oporto. 1998-. Semiannual. Anuário Católico de Portugal. Lisbon. Annual.
       ■ Archipélago. Revista do Instituto Universitário dos Açores. Punta Delgado. Semiannual. Architectural Digest. New York. Monthly. Archivum. Paris. Quarterly. Arqueologia. Oporto. Annual.
       ■ Arqueólogo Portugües, O. Lisbon. 1958-. Semiannual Arquivo das Colónias. Lisbon. 1917-33. Arquivo de Beja. Beja. Annual. Arquivo Histórico Portuguez. Lisbon.
       ■ Arquivos da Memória. Lisbon. 1997-. Semiannual.
       ■ Arquivos do Centro Cultural Portugües [Fundação Gulbenkian, Paris]. Paris. Annual.
       ■ Avante! Lisbon. Portuguese Communist Party. Daily. Biblos. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa. Lisbon Quarterly; Bimonthly.
       ■ Boletim de Estudos Operários. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Boletim do Arquivo Histórico Militar. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Boletim do Instituto Histórico da Ilha Terceira. Angra do Heroismo, Terceira, Azores Islands. Semiannual. Boletim Geral do Ultramar. Lisbon. Bracara Augusta. Braga. Brigantia. Lisbon. 1990-. Semiannual.
       ■ British Bulletin of Publications on Latin America... Portugal and Spain. London. 1949-. Semiannual. British Historical Society of Portugal. Annual Report and Review. Lisbon. Brotéria. Lisbon. Quarterly. Bulletin des Etudes Portugaises. Paris. Quarterly.
       ■ Cadernos de Arqueologia. Braga. Semiannual and annual. Monographs.
       ■ Cadernos do Noroeste. Braga, University of Minho. Semiannual.
       ■ Camões Center Quarterly. New York.
       ■ Capital, A. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Clio. Lisbon. 1996-. Annual.
       ■ Clio-Arqueologia. Lisbon. 1983-. Annual.
       ■ Colóquio/ Artes. Lisbon. Gulbenkian Foundation. Quarterly.
       ■ Colóquio/ Letras. Lisbon. Gulbenkian Foundation. Quarterly.
       ■ Conimbriga. Coimbra.
       ■ Cultura. London. Quarterly.
       ■ Democracia e Liberdade. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Dia, O. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Diário da Câmara de Deputados. Lisbon. 1911-26.
       ■ Diário de Lisboa. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Diário de Notícias. Lisbon. Daily newspaper of record.
       ■ Diário do Governo. Lisbon. 1910-74.
       ■ Diário do Senado. Lisbon. 1911-26.
       ■ Documentos. Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril. Coimbra. Quarterly.
       ■ E-Journal of Portuguese History. Providence, R.I. Quarterly.
       ■ Economia. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Economia e Finanças. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Economia e Sociologia. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Economist, The. London. Weekly magazine.
       ■ Estratégia Internacional. Lisbon.
       ■ Estudos Contemporâneos. Lisbon.
       ■ Estudos de economia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Estudos históricos e económicos. Oporto. Semiannual.
       ■ Estudos Medievais. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Estudos Orientais. Lisbon, 1990. Semiannual.
       ■ Ethnologia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Ethnologie Française. Paris. Quarterly.
       ■ Ethnos. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ European History Quarterly. Lancaster, U.K., 1970-. Quarterly.
       ■ Expresso. Lisbon. 1973-. Weekly newspaper.
       ■ Facts and Reports. Amsterdam. Collected press clippings.
       ■ Financial Times. London. Daily; special supplements on Portugal.
       ■ Finisterra. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Flama. Lisbon. Monthly magazine.
       ■ Garcia de Orta. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Gaya. Oporto. Semiannual.
       ■ Hispania. USA. Quarterly.
       ■ Hispania Antiqua. Madrid. Semiannual.
       ■ Hispanic American Historical Review. Chapel Hill, N.C. Quarterly. História. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Iberian Studies. Nottingham, U.K. Quarterly or Semiannual.
       ■ Indicadores económicos. Lisbon. Bank of Portugal. Monthly. Ingenium. Revista da Ordem dos Engenheiros. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ International Journal of Iberian Studies. London and Glasgow, 1987-. Semiannual.
       ■ Illustração Portugueza. Lisbon. 1911-1930s. Magazine. Instituto, O. Coimbra. Annual.
       ■ Itinerário. Leiden (Netherlands). 1976-. Semiannual. Jornal, O. Lisbon. Weekly newspaper. Jornal de Letras, O. Lisbon. Weekly culture supplement. Jornal do Fundão. Fundão, Beira Alta. Weekly newspaper. Journal of European Economic History. Quarterly.
       ■ Journal of Modern History. Chicago, Ill. Quarterly.
       ■ Journal of Southern European Society & Politics. Athens, Greece. 1995-. Quarterly.
       ■ Journal of the American Portuguese Culture Society. New York. 1966-81. Semiannual or annual. Ler História. Lisbon. Quarterly. Lisboa: Revista Municipal. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Lusíada: Revista trimestral de ciência e cultura. Lisbon. 1989-. Three times a year.
       ■ Lusitania Sacra. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Luso-Americano, O. Newark, N.J. Weekly newspaper.
       ■ Luso-Brazilian Review. Madison, Wisc. 1964-. Semiannual.
       ■ Lusotopie. Paris. 1995-. Annual.
       ■ Nova economia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Numismática. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Oceanos. Lisbon. Bimonthly.
       ■ Ocidente. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Olisipo. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Ordem do Exército. Lisbon. 1926-74. Monthly.
       ■ Penélope. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Política Internacional. Lisbon. 1990-. Quarterly.
       ■ Portugal. Annuário Estatístico do Ultramar. Lisbon. 1950-74.
       ■ Portugal em Africa. Lisbon. 1894-1910. Bimonthly.
       ■ Portugal socialista. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Portugália. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Portuguese & Colonial Bulletin. London. 1961-74. Quarterly. Portuguese Studies. London. 1985-. Annual.
       ■ Portuguese Studies Newsletter. Durham, N.H. 1976-90. Semiannual.
       ■ Portuguese Studies Review. Durham, N.H. 1991-2001; Trent, Ont. 2002-. Semiannual.
       ■ Portuguese Times. New Bedford, Mass. Weekly newspaper.
       ■ Povo Livre. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Primeiro do Janeiro. Oporto. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Quaderni Portoghesi. Rome. 1974-. Semiannual.
       ■ Race. A Journal of Race and Group Relations. London. Quarterly.
       ■ Recherches en Anthropologie au Portugal. Paris. 1995-. Annual.
       ■ República, A. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais. Coimbra. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista da Biblioteca Nacional. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Lisbon. Quarterly. Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Oporto. Semiannual. Revista da Universidade de Coimbra. Coimbra. Quarterly. Revista de Ciência Política. Lisbon. Semiannual. Revista de Ciências Agrárias. Lisbon. Semiannual. Revista de Economia. Lisbon. 1953-. Three times a year. Revista de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses. Lisbon. Annual. Revista de Estudos Históricos. Rio de Janeiro. Semiannual. Revista de Guimarães. Guimarães. Semiannual. Revista de História. São Paulo, Brazil. Semiannual. Revista de História Económica e Social. Oporto. Semiannual. Revista de Infanteria. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista Internacional de Estudos Africanos. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Revista Lusitana. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista Militar. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista Portuguesa de História. Coimbra. Quarterly.
       ■ Sábado. Lisbon. Weekly news magazine.
       ■ Seara Nova. Lisbon. 1921-. Bimonthly.
       ■ Século, O. Lisbon. Daily Newspaper.
       ■ Selecções do Readers Digest. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Semanário económico. Lisbon. Weekly.
       ■ Setúbal arqueologica. Setúbal. Semiannual.
       ■ Sigila. Paris. 1998-. Semiannual.
       ■ Sintria. Sintra. Annual.
       ■ Sociedade e Território. Revista de estudos urbanos e regionais. Oporto. 1986-. Quarterly.
       ■ Studia. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Studium Generale. Oporto. Quarterly.
       ■ Tempo, O. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Tempo e o Modo, O. Lisbon. 1968-74. Quarterly.
       ■ Trabalhos de Antropologia E Etnologia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Trabalhos de Arqueologia. Lisbon. Annual.
       ■ Translation. New York. Quarterly.
       ■ Ultramar. Lisbon. 1960-71. Quarterly.
       ■ Veja. São Paulo. Weekly news magazine.
       ■ Veleia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Vida Mundial. Lisbon. Weekly news magazine.
       ■ West European Politics. London. Quarterly.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > INTRODUCTION

  • 8 committee

    noun
    Ausschuss, der (auch Parl.); Komitee, das
    * * *
    [kə'miti]
    noun or noun plural
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) der Ausschuß
    * * *
    com·mit·tee
    [kəˈmɪti, AM -ˈmɪt̬i]
    n + sing/pl vb Ausschuss m, Komitee nt
    C\committee of the Whole House BRIT LAW Unterhausausschuss m zur Prüfung von Gesetzesentwürfen
    C\committee of Privileges LAW Ausschuss m zur Untersuchung von Privilegien
    Public Accounts C\committee LAW Rechnungsprüfungsausschuss m
    C\committee of Ways and Means LAW Finanzausschuss m
    \committee meeting Ausschusssitzung f
    \committee member Ausschussmitglied nt
    select \committee Sonderausschuss m
    standing \committee ständiger Ausschuss
    to be [or sit] on a \committee in einem Ausschuss [o Komitee] sein [o sitzen], einem Ausschuss [o Komitee] angehören
    to form [or set up] a \committee einen Ausschuss [o ein Komitee] bilden
    * * *
    [kə'mItɪ]
    n
    Ausschuss m (ALSO PARL), Komitee nt

    to be or sit on a committeein einem Ausschuss or Komitee sein or sitzen

    * * *
    committee [kəˈmıtı] s
    1. Komitee n, Ausschuss m, Kommission f ( alle:
    on für):
    be ( oder sit) on a committee in einem Ausschuss sein;
    standing committee ständiger Ausschuss;
    go into Committee PARL in Einzelberatungen eintreten;
    the House resolves itself into a Committee PARL Br das (Unter)Haus konstituiert sich als Ausschuss;
    Committee of the Whole House PARL Br Plenarausschuss;
    Committee of Supply PARL Br Haushaltsausschuss;
    Committee of Ways and Means PARL Br Bewilligungsausschuss;
    Committee stage Stadium n der Ausschussberatung (zwischen 2. und 3. Lesung eines Gesetzentwurfs);
    the bill is in the Committee stage die Gesetzesvorlage liegt dem Ausschuss vor
    2. [Br ˌkɒmıˈtiː] JUR obs Vormund m (eines Entmündigten)
    com. abk
    comm. abk
    * * *
    noun
    Ausschuss, der (auch Parl.); Komitee, das
    * * *
    n.
    Ausschuss m.
    Komitee -s n.

    English-german dictionary > committee

  • 9 Christian Democratic Party

       Established originally as the Centro Democático e Social (CDS) in May 1974, following the fall of the Estado Novo, the CDS was supported by conservatives inspired by Christian humanism and Catholic social doctrines. In the first democratic elections after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which were held on 25 April 1975, the CDS won only a disappointing 7.6 percent of the vote for the Constituent Assembly. In the following general elections for the Assembly of the Republic, in April 1976, however, the party more than doubled its votes to 16 percent and surpassed the number of votes for the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP). In 1979-80, the Christian Democrats joined the Social Democratic Party (PSD) in a coalition called the Aliança Democrática (Democratic Alliance), a grouping that defeated the Socialist Party (PS) in the succeeding elections. The Christian Democrats remained in the background as the principal party rivals for power were the PS and the PSD.
       In the 1990s, the CDS altered its name to the Partido Popular (PP) and featured new leaders such as party chief Paulo Portas. While the democratic Portuguese system had become virtually a two-party dominant system by the 1980s and 1990s, the PP would have opportunities, depending upon circumstances, to share power in another coalition with one of the two larger, major parties, the PS or PSD. Indeed, parliamentary election results in March 2002 gave the party just such an opportunity, as the PP won 14 percent of the vote, thus surpassing for the first time since the 1975 elections the PCP, which was reduced to 12 percent of the vote. The PP thus gained new influence as the PSD, which won the largest number of seats in this election, was obliged to share governance with the PP in order to have a working majority in the legislature.
       Various right-wing lobbies and interest groups influenced the PP. In early 2000, the PP proposed a law to the Assembly of the Republic whereby former colonists, now mainly resident in Portugal, who had lost property in Portugal's former colonies of Angola and Mozambique, would be compensated by Portugal for material losses during decolonization. The PP leadership argued that the manner in which the governments after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 administered the disputed, controversial decolonization process in these territories made the government responsible for compensating Portuguese citizens for such losses. The PS-dominated government of then prime minister, Antônio Guterres, argued, however, that independent governments of those former colonies were responsible for any compensation due. Thus, Guterres declined to accept the proposed legislation. This proposal by the PP and others like it followed upon other proposed laws such as Law 20, 19 June 1997, put before the Assembly of the Republic, which was passed under the aegis of the PS. This law pledged to compensate opposition militants (the survivors) who had opposed the Estado Novo and had spent years in exile, as well as in clandestine activities. Such compensations would come in the form of pensions and social security benefits. Given the strength of conservative constituencies and former settlers' lobbies, it is likely that the Christian Democrats will introduce more such proposed laws in future parliamentary sessions.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Christian Democratic Party

  • 10 committee

    kə'miti
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) komité, nemnd, utvalg
    kommisjon
    --------
    provisjon
    subst. \/kəˈmɪtɪ\/
    1) komité, nemnd, utvalg
    2) styre (i forening e.l.)
    3) ( golf) turneringskomité
    4) (jus, amer. eller gammeldags) verge
    be\/sit on a committee sitte i en komité, være medlem av en komité
    Committee of Supply (britisk, foreldet) finanskomité (vedr. statlige utgifter)
    Committee of the whole House Underhuset som komité (under en særlig ordstyrer, til vedtak av innstillinger, ikke lover)
    Committee of Ways and Means (britisk, foreldet) finansutvalg (vedr. statlige inntekter)
    in committee under komitébehandling
    joint committee fellesutvalg, kontaktutvalg
    select committee komité med særlige undersøkelsesoppdrag, utredningsutvalg
    standing committee fast komité

    English-Norwegian dictionary > committee

  • 11 committee

    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) comissão
    * * *
    com.mit.tee
    [kəm'iti] n 1 comitê, comissão, delegação. 2 [kamit'i:] curador. he is on the committee ele pertence ao comitê. joint committee comissão mista. standing committee comissão permanente.

    English-Portuguese dictionary > committee

  • 12 committee

    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) odbor
    * * *
    [kəmíti]
    noun
    odbor, komité, komisija; predsedništvo; [kəmití:] varuh(inja), skrbnik, -nica
    to refer to a committee — izročiti odboru, komisiji

    English-Slovenian dictionary > committee

  • 13 committee

    kə'miti
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; (also adjective) a committee meeting.) comité, comisión
    committee n comité
    tr[kə'mɪtɪ]
    1 comité nombre masculino, comisión nombre femenino
    1 del comité, de la comisión
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    to be on a committee / sit on a committee ser miembro de un comité, ser miembro de una comisión
    committee [kə'mɪt̬i] n
    : comité m
    n.
    comisión s.f.
    comité s.m.
    kə'mɪti
    noun (of club, society) comité m, comisión f; ( of parliament) comisión f

    to be on a committee — ser* miembro de un comité or una comisión; (before n) <meeting, member> del comité or de la comisión

    [kǝ'mɪtɪ]
    1.
    N comité m, comisión f

    to be or sit on a committee — ser miembro de un comité

    committee of inquiry — (Parl) comisión f investigadora

    executive 3., management 2.
    2.
    CPD

    committee meeting Nreunión f del comité

    committee member Nmiembro mf del comité

    committee stage N — (Parl) fase en la que un proyecto de ley está siendo estudiado por un comité

    * * *
    [kə'mɪti]
    noun (of club, society) comité m, comisión f; ( of parliament) comisión f

    to be on a committee — ser* miembro de un comité or una comisión; (before n) <meeting, member> del comité or de la comisión

    English-spanish dictionary > committee

  • 14 committee

    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) nefnd

    English-Icelandic dictionary > committee

  • 15 committee

    bizottság
    * * *
    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) bizottság

    English-Hungarian dictionary > committee

  • 16 committee

    n. komite, heyet, komisyon, kurul
    * * *
    komite
    * * *
    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) komisyon, kurul,heyet

    English-Turkish dictionary > committee

  • 17 committee

    • toimikunta
    • valtuuskunta
    • valiokunta
    • liittohallitus
    • hallitus
    • lautakunta
    • komitea
    finance, business, economy
    • komissio
    * * *
    kə'miti
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) komitea

    English-Finnish dictionary > committee

  • 18 committee

    [kə'mɪtɪ]
    nome comitato m.; (to investigate, report) commissione f.
    * * *
    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) comitato, commissione
    * * *
    [kə'mɪtɪ]
    nome comitato m.; (to investigate, report) commissione f.

    English-Italian dictionary > committee

  • 19 committee

    [kə'mɪtɪ]
    n
    komisja f, komitet m
    * * *
    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) komisja

    English-Polish dictionary > committee

  • 20 committee

    [kə'miti]
    (a number of persons, selected from a larger body, to deal with some special business, eg the running of the larger body's affairs: The committee meet(s) today; ( also adjective) a committee meeting.) komiteja; komitejas-
    * * *
    komisija, komiteja; aizbildnis

    English-Latvian dictionary > committee

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